Caravan
has carried a very interesting article by Ramachandra Guha, Where Are India’s
Conservative Intellectual? The article addresses what has long worried people who
see merit in the economic policies of conservative politics, in India, but at
the same time disapprove of their religious agenda.
If
you remove the Muslim majority countries from the mix, India is the only major
democracy where religion finds an important place in conservative politics. Guha
attributes this to the fact that those who espoused this brand of politics in
India, mainly in pre-independence era, a time when the conservative voice was
quite strong, were affiliates of organizations with a deeply Hindu character.
In
a post-independence India, Guha observes, conservatives gradually lost their
prominence in Indian politics as mainstream Indian politics gravitated towards
the Left – where both the ruling party – the Congress – and its principal
opponents – Nehru and his detractors (Jay Prakash Narayan, Ram Manohar Lohia
and the Communists) - represented socialist, liberal political orientation. This left-orientation was also found in
academia.
Guha
dismisses the current lot of columnists and opinion makers with a soft spot for
conservatism on the ground that their body of published work is limited to 300
to 400 word articles. This absence of conservative intellectuals in India, Guha
concludes, is responsible for religion being a major part of the conservative
thought.
Conversely,
he says, the West has always had intellectuals in conservative politics who
have always kept religion out of it. Western conservative thinkers, Guha says, base
their idea of identity around which conservative politics revolves on cultural
and geographical similarities.
To
press his argument that the presence of conservative intellectuals would have
helped Indian conservative politics keep religious extremism at a distance,
Guha cites the example of Jagdish Bhagwati, the conservative economist who is
an economic adviser to the current conservative government in India, for
advising the BJP government to reign in the religious fringe if it wanted to
carry on with its development agenda.
Guha
poses Rajaji (C. Rajagopalachari) as a model conservative intellectual. Guha says Rajaji was patriotic
who could rise above his personal differences with his political opponents and
unite with them in national interest, like he had supported Nehru on the
Kashmir problem despite his personal personal differences with Nehru. Rajaji
was religious but far from being an orthodox. His economic outlook was conservative
in nature and therefore opposed to Nehru’s. Rajai had argued for more openness
in economy but Nehru had dismissed his views calling them reactionary and
unsuitable for India only to be proved wrong a few decades later.
Guha’s
analysis of Western conservatism is mainly theoretical and that’s why it misses
an important point. Although theoretically Western conservative parties have
kept religion out of their identity mix, the tendency of conservative politics
to be majoritarian, even if based on demographics, automatically excludes
communities following minority religions in Western societies. Identity and
religion are hard to separate, especially due to rising religious radicalism
however desirable it may be.